The U.S. Should Move Towards Complete Elimination of Nuclear Weapons and Reverse Its Nuclear Policy that Runs Counter to the NPT

Position Statement by South Korean Citizens' Organizations on the Occasion of the Seventh Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty


Today around the world, amidst the unprecedented dangers of nuclear war, the peace movement's demand for the abolition of nuclear weapons is more urgent than ever. The "NPT Action Plan 2000 -- 13 Steps" for nonproliferation and disarmament, adopted by all states-parties at the 2000 NPT Review Conference, has now become scrap paper. The U.S. and Russia are increasing their nuclear arsenals and the U.S. refuses to sign onto the NSAs (Negative Security Assurances).
The U.S. especially is regressing, destroying the spirit of the NPT by planning preemptive nuclear attacks and increasing the development of new nuclear weapons. Moreover, the IAEA, instead of safeguarding the peaceful use of nuclear materials by non-nuclear-weapon states, is yielding to the U.S.'s ambition to control NNWS' development of nuclear power programs. 

The U.S. should adhere to the spirit of the NPT by withdrawing preemptive nuclear strike plans and suspending the development of nuclear weapon systems. 

The U.S. formulated the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) in 2002, which espouses preemptive nuclear strikes, and has initiated the development of usable nuclear weapons such as "bunker-busters".　The Bush administration spent million in 2003 and has allocated .5 million for development of this weapon. 

This runs counter to the NPT 2000 Conference, which called for active dismantlement of nuclear weapons. Moreover, preemptive nuclear strike plans contradict the NSAs' provisions, which strengthened the NPT by prohibiting the use or the threat of use of nuclear weapons by a nuclear weapon state against a non-nuclear-weapon state.
The U.S.'s nuclear attack plans and development of new nuclear weapons instigate a renewed nuclear arms race. This is a criminal activity that will plunge the world into a cyclone of nuclear conflict.
If the U.S. is serious about strengthening the NPT, the U.S. should scrap its nuclear attack plans and end its development of nuclear weapons. 

The U.S. needs to abide by the NPT by adopting the international agreement that will implement the NSA. 

Prior to this conference, the U.S. stated its opposition to an international agreement with legal obligations and has refused to adopt the international agreement on the NSA, thus showing stubbornness in not reversing its preemptive nuclear strike plans or development of nuclear weapons. Thus, the U.S. rejected the international covenant agreed on at the NPT 2000 Review Conference. The U.S.'s refusal to adopt an agreement on the NSA is an action that denies the nuclear powers' minimal responsibility to maintain the NPT by legally guaranteeing the security of non-nuclear nations. If the U.S. honestly wishes to strengthen the NPT, it should listen to the international community's demand for comprehensive nuclear weapon dismantlement through international agreement on the NSA. 

The IAEA should oppose the U.S.'s ambition to gain control over NNWS' development of nuclear power, which aims to make the NPT more unequal. 

The U.S. is asking for a revision of the NPT in order to prevent NNWS from exercising their rights to enrich uranium and reprocess nuclear materials, citing the perceived danger that these materials could be diverted to weapons production. The U.S. has pressured the IAEA to monitor and control non-nuclear weapon states with their civilian nuclear programs. Now the U.S. is trying to regulate nuclear materials as well. The IAEA has now proposed regulation of the trade in nuclear materials and proposed an international distribution of nuclear fuel. This clearly violates the principles of peaceful use of nuclear materials stated in the NPT and will weaken the NPT. 
The IAEA does not have the authority to monitor nuclear weapon states. This limits the IAEA's effectiveness fundamentally. Disregarding this reality, if the IAEA initiates a policy of nuclear fuel regulation which will only strengthen U.S.-centered nuclear hegemony, the IAEA will be criticized for allowing the U.S.'s selfish and double-standard policy, weakening the NPT and causing it to lose credibility. 
The IAEA should focus on the revival of the spirit of the NPT by ending the U.S.-centered nuclear regulatory policy.

The NPT must counter U.S. nuclear policy and move forward to complete elimination of nuclear arsenals.

The U.S. has dwelt solely on its own security and has weakened the international disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation movement by unilaterally withdrawing from the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, pursuing its Missile Defense system, and refusing to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). 

With its unilateral and double-standard nuclear policy, the U.S. has weakened the NPT; now it is challenging the NPT directly through preemptive nuclear strike plans, development of nuclear weapons, and refusal to agree on the NSA. With its nuclear fuel regulation plan, it is leading to the destruction of the NPT. Without countering the U.S.'s aggressive, unilateral, and double-standard nuclear policy, the NPT, built already on a premise of discrimination between nuclear powers and non-nuclear powers, will be further limited in its effectiveness. 

With this in mind, we expect the Seventh NPT Review Conference to force the U.S. to ratify international agreements on nuclear weapon non-proliferation such as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, give up preemptive nuclear strike plans, and end its new nuclear weapon programs, thereby providing a road map towards complete and comprehensive abolition of nuclear weapons, in harmony with the whole world's aspirations for peace. 

23 April 2005

Solidarity for Peace and Reunification of Korea 
Korean Confederation of Trade Unions 
Korean People's Solidarity (including 35 national organizations, 9 regional organizations) 
Solidarity for Reunification of Korea (including 47 organizations) 
People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy 
People's Solidarity for Social Progress 
Green Korea United 
Citizens' Solidarity for Peace & Unification 
Catholic Priests' Association for Justice (CPAJ) in Korea
Korean Federation of Medical Groups for Health Rights (KFHR)
Solidarity for Workers' Health
Association of Physicians for Humanism
Korea Dentists Association for Healthy Society
Korean Pharmacists for Democratic Society
Young Doctors of Oriental Medicine for Ethical Medical Practice
Rhee Yueng-Huie (journalist)
Fr. Mun Jeong-Hyeon (leader, Peace Pilgrims) 
Fr. Mun Gyu-Hyeon (chairman, SPARK; chairman, CPAJ) 
Rev. Hong Keun-Soo (chairman, SPARK)
Dr. Hong Chang-Yee (SPARK)
Rev. Kim Min-Woong (journalist)
Prof. Kang Jeong-Koo (Dongguk University; chairman, SPARK Research Institute)
Prof. Lee Chul-Ki (Dongguk University) 
Prof. Lee Won-Sup (Kyonggi University) 
Lee Jae-Bong (Won Kwang University) 
Lee Su-Ho (trades union leader) 
Jung Kwang-Hoon (chairman, Korean People's Solidarity; farmer) 
Rev. Han Sang-Yeol (chairman, Solidarity for Reunification of Korea)
Rev. Park Sang-Jeung (co-chairman, People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy)
Lee Sun-Jong (leader of Won-Buddhism; co-chairman, People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy) 
Prof. Kim Se-Kyun (Seoul University; chairman, People's Solidarity for Social Progress) 
Prof. Park Young-Sin (Yonsei University; chairman, Green Korea United) 
Prof. Lee Jang-Hee (Foreign Languages University; chairman, Citizens' Solidarity for Peace & Unification) 
Dr. Baek Do-Myoung (chairman, Solidarity for Workers' Health)
Dr. Kim Jeong-Bum (co-chairman, KFHR)
Choi In-Soon (pharmaceutical chemist; co-chairman, KFHR)
Chun Mun-Ho (pharmaceutical chemist; chairman, Korean Pharmacists for Democratic Society)
Dr. Jeon Sung-Won (chairman, Korea Dentists Association for Healthy Society)
Dr. Park Tae-Hun (chairman, Association of Physicians for Humanism)
Dr. Yang Kye-Hwan (chairman, Young Doctors of Oriental Medicine for Ethical Medical Practice)